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11 GA GOP Delegates Continue to Press Raffensperger’s Disqualification to Preserve Republican Party Integrity While GA GOP Attorneys Squirm

11 GA GOP Delegates Continue to Press Raffensperger’s Disqualification to Preserve Republican Party Integrity While GA GOP Attorneys Squirm

Canton, GA — On Thursday, Jacob Medoff, attorney for the eleven GOP Delegates and State Committee Members seeking accountability by suing the Georgia Republican Party filed a motion explaining the necessity of the Court’s intervention. The delegates do not seek any monetary benefit to themselves, but they seek a declaratory judgment against the GA GOP after the party organization in March qualified a candidate for office, Brad Raffensperger, who had been banned at the last Republican Convention by the delegates from running on the Republican ballot. 

The GA GOP’s rogue action defying the explicit instructions of the state convention created an uncertainty about the powers and duties of the State Committee, State Convention, and State Executive Committee.  The delegates hope that a declaratory judgement would resolve that uncertainty. 

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Attorney Jacob Medoff

 “A number of committee members and convention representatives of the GRP face current uncertainty as to their obligations,” wrote Medoff in the motion. “This uncertainty extends beyond the question of whether or not Raffensperger could be certified as a candidate if he chooses to run for office as a Republican; it extends to the present, ongoing question of whether the Binding Resolution itself remains in force and continues to bind the State Committee and State Executive Committee today”(emphasis added).

Medoff continued: “That the 2026 certification of Raffensperger happens to be the occasion that surfaced the dispute does not confine the relief sought to that single, completed event; Plaintiffs ask the Court to settle the scope of the Committee’s authority prospectively, so that the Committee, the Convention, and Plaintiffs themselves know the governing rule before the Convention’s next resolution and the Committee’s next exercise of authority.”

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Brandyn James

“At the heart of this lawsuit is a straightforward question of internal governance: When the GRP state convention adopts a resolution, are the state committee and state executive committee bound by it?” said Brandyn James, one of the plaintiffs leading this accountability measure.

The Georgia Republican Party attorney has argued that the eleven Delegates are asking the court to meddle in the party’s internal affairs, where the court does not have jurisdiction, and that the question is moot now, since Raffensperger ran and lost and is no longer a candidate. 

“Plaintiffs do not ask the Court to review the wisdom of excluding Raffensperger, to seat any delegate, to resolve any credentialing dispute, or to substitute its judgment for the GRP’s judgment on any matter of political discretion,” the motion read. “Plaintiffs ask the Court to answer a narrower and more conventional question: what do Rules 2.1 and 3.1 of the GRP’s own governing document mean, and what authority do they confer on the State Committee and State Executive Committee once the State Convention has adopted a resolution and adjourned”?

This is a function Georgia courts routinely perform for voluntary associations and nonprofit corporations. Thousands of Georgia Republicans deserve to know if the bylaws and rules of the GA GOP actually govern the party, and if it is worth attending the next state convention, paying for travel costs, paying registration fees, and enduring hours of speeches and preliminaries, or not. 

Medoff wrote that the “GRP has not defended its 2026 certification of Raffensperger on the ground that the Resolution was politically unwise, or that changed circumstances warranted departing from it as a matter of judgment. It has instead taken the position, in writing, that the Resolution carries no binding legal force on the State Committee or State Executive Committee at all once the Convention adjourns.”

Georgia Republicans deserve to know if that is, in fact, the case or if that statement from the GOP’s attorney is a convenient excuse to defend the decision of the current party leadership who acted unlawfully in violation of party rules and the party’s own stated authority structure. 

At a time when Republicans ought to be banding together to fight Democrats in the general election, Chairman Josh McKoon and party attorney Alex Kaufman refuse to acknowledge that they did anything wrong by disobeying the order passed by the delegates at the state convention. All that these delegates are asking for is an acknowledgment and a promise to not break the rules like that again.

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If you would like to see clarity on this dispute, and want the Georgia Republican Party to operate with integrity moving forward, please consider donating to the plaintiffs fundraiser on GiveSendGo. 

If every delegate who attended the 2025 convention could donate $10, it would probably more than cover the legal costs to settle this question once and for all. 

Could It Happen Again?

There are future conventions to consider. The eleven Plaintiffs hope their lawsuit will be successful and will restore the trust of the volunteer Republican delegates across the state before the next convention so the party can grow and thrive. They expect, if they are successful, that their effort will help to increase attendance in the next GA GOP convention cycle. 

There is an ongoing concern that Brad Raffensperger could attempt to qualify as a Republican for another office again in the future. But this issue is bigger than any one candidate, or any one primary election. This points to an institutional problem in the Georgia Republican Party.

The chances of a similar situation occurring again are high, but the dispute itself is not a speculative one. The dispute is ongoing as was admitted to by the Republican Party’s own attorney. 

The motion states:

“The GRP State Executive Committee has already certified Raffensperger once in defiance of it [the resolution] and through counsel’s June 26th, 2026 correspondence, the GRP has formally and affirmatively asserted that it retains the authority to do so again. … Recurrence of this precise dispute is not conjecture, as it was in Cardinale; it has been announced by the GRP itself, in writing.”

The Republican Party belongs to grassroots delegates like you who hold to Republican ideology and volunteer for the principles you believe in. These eleven delegates have courageously stepped up and assumed risk for zero personal reward. Will you help these brave delegates as they try to ensure this problem doesn’t occur again? 

It’s not enough to complain about the problems in the Republican Party. GRA members take action to fix those problems. You can join the many other concerned Republicans who have supported this effort by donating to the legal fund here: https://www.givesendgo.com/stopraffy

Send Mike Collins to the U.S. Senate!  

Send Mike Collins to the U.S. Senate!  

The midterm is not politics as usual. It is a contest between two economic systems.

The American economic system which was promoted by Alexander Hamilton, Henry Clay, and Abraham Lincoln rests on three key policies to protect our nation such as protective tariffs, banking governed within our own country, and a free-market capitalist level playing field for all business. Andrew Jackson came along, and contributed to that American system by getting us off of an inflationary paper dollar from a national bank, and getting us back on gold and silver backed money. Being a producer made us prosperous, strong, and independent.

The British/Globalist System rests on the opposite: world-wide trade with no barriers & governed by outside international institutions (which take away our national sovereignty), inflationary central banking with global ties & interests, and profit for those central bankers as the only measure of success (the central banks of London or New York win even if factories go dark in Ohio, Michigan, and Pennsylvania).

Perot

We used to have the American System. Then came Woodrow Wilson‘s Federal Reserve central bank in 1913, and after decades of it eroding the American currency, in 1971 President Richard Nixon finally took us off gold completely. Nixon stated that year that he was “now a Keynesian in economics,” and Keynes’ ideology took hold. In 1994 NAFTA drove the nail in the coffin. Ross Perot warned of the “giant sucking sound” of jobs leaving. We became dependent on adversaries for basic goods, with supply chains that snapped during COVID. The working and middle class were hollowed out. Young people now face $200,000 college degrees for $50,000 jobs—if they are lucky.

Trump never quits. Before he ran for the Presidency, the WEF in Davos invited him to join the globalist camp. He refused, declared that the future belongs to the patriot, and became a marked man. What followed: infiltrated campaign, jailed associates, 24/7 media assault, the Russia hoax, two impeachments, the January 6 circus, lawfare across jurisdictions, 91 felony counts, and three assassination attempts. It backfired. The more they persecuted him, the more Americans admired his focus and courage.

You are their next target. They are operating a psychological operation meant to keep you home in November. Their tools are meaningless polls, the legacy media refusing to cover Trump’s successes or spinning them into failures, and the relentless focus on Iran.  The media skip over the Venezuela oil deal, the doubled Strategic Petroleum Reserve, and so many other wins. The staged Carney walk out on trade negotiations with the US is also part of the psyop and the target was the U.S. midterms, not tariffs. 

Do not let the Senate’s failure to pass the Save America Act discourage you. We will beat voter fraud in 2026 the same way we did in 2024: too big to rig. 

In 18 months, Trump has made the country stronger, safer, and more prosperous. Here in Georgia, manufacturing is now our strongest growth sector. In just 18 months more than $1 billion has been invested in manufacturing. Thousands of jobs have been created. Young workers and working people, including minority voters, need to understand what that means for them. Do not let the Left take the House or Senate and stop him.

 President Trump endorsed Mike Collins because he needs him in the Senate to keep the agenda moving. Collins is one of the most conservative members of the House, with an A+ voting record. He would fight for the Save America Act. Oh yes, and he is being smeared. That is a good sign: it means that he has not been corrupted by the Left and that he is effective enough to be a threat to the Left.  Georgia—and the country—need him in the Senate so re-industrialization continues.

 The globalist policies backed by Democrats and establishment Republicans gutted the industrial base and shipped jobs overseas. The Democratic strategy has been to compensate the people left behind due to their policies and call it a moral victory. The MAGA answer is to change the system so the working class and the country can prosper again.

Conclusion:  Judge policy by results, not rhetoric. And vote for Mike Collins.

Good intentions are not proof of good outcomes. The question is whether lives improve. The proven alternative to our current economic system is the American System, not socialist handouts. Our system was broken. Trump is fixing it. That is why Mike Collins must win and why re-industrialization must continue at full speed.

Mike Collins supports Trump’s economic revolution, and he is running against a socialist, Jon Ossoff.  So here is the choice:  a thriving middle class based on the trades and a prosperous and secure America; or a handout and we continue down the same old broken economic path.

Everyone needs to vote November 3 as if the country’s future depends on it.  It does.

Georgians’ Election Problems Are Documented Failures — Not Theories!

Georgians’ Election Problems Are Documented Failures — Not Theories!

This article is a republishing of an article originally posted by the author on August 24, 2026 on the GeorgiansforTruth.org web site. It is a rebuttal to an Op-Ed Praising Secretary of State Raffensperger and the new Election Integrity Task Force.

The recent op-ed praising Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and the new Election Integrity Task Force claims that concerns about Georgia’s elections are little more than “conspiracy theories” that have unfairly damaged public confidence. This framing is not only inaccurate — it is contradicted by multiple documented cases, court findings, and official records that reveal serious, recurring problems with Georgia’s voting system. If Georgia’s elections are truly the most secure, fair, and accurate in the nation, why did the Secretary of State feel the need to create an Election Integrity Task Force? Let’s examine the record.

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These issues are not abstract theories. They involve missing ballot images, double-counted ballots, unverifiable QR codes, compromised security credentials, and repeated failures to follow basic chain-of-custody requirements. These problems have been raised in federal court, adjudicated by the State Election Board, and confirmed through open records requests.

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Michelle Long Spears

In the 2022 DeKalb County Commission primary, candidate Michelle Long Spears initially appeared to finish third. After precinct-level analysis showed zero votes for her in the precinct where she votes, she requested a hand recount. The Secretary of State’s office opposed the request. When DeKalb County conducted the hand count anyway, Spears moved from third place to first. This single race demonstrated that the electronic results could not be trusted without a human-verified paper trail.

In the Rossi/Moncla case (SEB2023-025), the State Election Board confirmed that Fulton County produced 17,852 ballots with no corresponding ballot images, 20,713 votes that could not be traced to any source tabulator, and 3,125 double-counted ballots in the 2020 General Election. The case also documented more than 140 election code violations by Fulton County. These findings were not made by activists — they were accepted by the Governor’s office and adjudicated by the State Election Board itself.

In the federal case Curling v. Raffensperger, cybersecurity expert Dr. Alex Halderman demonstrated in open court before Judge Amy Totenberg that he could hack a Georgia ballot-marking device using only a ballpoint pen and change votes. Judge Totenberg had already ruled that the QR codes generated by these machines violate Georgia law (O.C.G.A. § 21-2-300) because voters cannot verify that the QR code accurately reflects their choices. The system also conflicts with the federal Help America Vote Act’s requirement that ballots be humanly verifiable. Other expert testimony in this case revealed that risk-limiting audits based on ballot-marking devices are meaningless, as the voter’s intent can never be known — what was shown to the voter on the touchscreen is not verifiable.

In the DeKalb GOP v. Raffensperger case, open records requests revealed that Dominion’s X.509 encryption certificates were stored in plain text on the Election Management System servers. Using these certificates, the system administrator password was decrypted and has since appeared on publicly available merchandise. Both of these issues violate basic cybersecurity protocols for securing election computer equipment and role-based access controls.

After the 2024 election, analysis of Dominion tabulator tapes from multiple counties found that poll workers were certifying results under the “Local Election Authority Act” — a Canadian statute that does not exist in Georgia. This error had gone unnoticed since the Dominion system was installed in 2020. When it was brought to the attention of the Secretary of State’s office in January 2025, a chief of staff reportedly responded that “it doesn’t matter.” The language was only corrected for the next election cycle after legislative pressure.

An analysis of scanner log (SLOG) files from seven Georgia counties after the 2024 General Election found tabulator errors and misfeeds that far exceeded federal standards under the Help America Vote Act. In addition, these seven counties recorded over 22,000 instances of the “QR Code Signature Mismatch” error, which has been classified as a Security Error by the Election Assistance Commission. These errors represent violations of both US federal law 52 USC § 21081(5) and Georgia state law 21-2-374.

In December 2025, the State Election Board heard complaint SEB 2022-015. The complaint alleged that Fulton County failed to obtain required signatures on tabulator tapes for approximately 315,000 early votes. The Fulton County attorney admitted to the State Election Board that these tabulator tapes were unsigned. These tapes are essential documents for verifying vote totals and maintaining chain of custody.

The new Election Integrity Task Force formation does not erase the documented problems above. Real election integrity requires more than forums and statements. It requires replacing unverifiable QR-code ballots with hand-marked paper ballots, conducting meaningful risk-limiting audits based on voter intent rather than machine summaries, securing proper chain-of-custody documentation, and maintaining independent oversight of election administration.

It is also worth noting that Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger has failed to appear in the above-mentioned court cases and declined requests from the Georgia Senate Ethics Committee to answer questions about these issues and concerns. Is his Election Integrity Task Force an attempt to cover his own record?

After six years of operating an expensive, insecure, and unnecessarily complex voting system financed for two decades, the Georgia legislature has delayed its own mandate to remove QR-code ballots and instead created a Joint Committee to evaluate the next system — one that will likely cost taxpayers even more. In an era of advancing artificial intelligence and quantum computing, Georgia must maintain human control over its elections rather than outsourcing them to ever-more-complex technology and corporations beyond public oversight. Now is the time to simplify the system and return to hand-marked, hand-counted paper ballots, supported by video documentation and rigorous chain-of-custody protocols.

Until these fundamental issues are addressed, claims that Georgia has “the most secure elections in America” will continue to ring hollow to voters who have seen the evidence. Election integrity concerns in Georgia are not theories. They are documented failures that demand substantive reform, not public relations.

After a Year & a Half, Courts Continue Deliberation on Justice for Colton Moore

After a Year & a Half, Courts Continue Deliberation on Justice for Colton Moore

Atlanta, GA — Yesterday, former State Senator Colton Moore and his attorneys appeared at a hearing before the Georgia Court of Appeals to continue the effort to pursue charges against Speaker Jon Burns‘ staff member Keith Williams for assaulting the Senator.

Over a year and a half ago, Williams blocked Sen. Moore from entering the House chamber for the Governor’s State of the State address and pushed him to the ground. The attack occurred in front of several state patrol officers and the news media — many of whom video recorded the altercation with their smart phones. The story was reported nationwide in the evening news that day.

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Sen. Moore & his wife Hailey outside the court building Wednesday for the hearing.

In spite of the blatant violation of the law, attorneys for Williams have done their darnedest to delay and obstruct any warrant being issued against Williams for the attack. This was the third time the case has been heard in court. State judges appear reluctant to cross the Speaker of the House by issuing a verdict against Williams — even though the evidence is so blatant.

Opposing counsel argued Wednesday to have the evidence of the video recordings thrown out, and make them become inadmissible, even though it has already been stipulated by eye-witnesses who have testified that the video recordings accurately reflect what occurred.

Moore is represented by attorneys Catherine Bernard and Alex Johnson, who also serve as officers of the Georgia Republican Assembly. The three-judge panel on the Court of Appeals will have a few months before they decide whether to allow the case to be remanded for trial at Magistrate or Superior Court.

Click to watch the video of the oral arguments in court.
What Can Be Done about Flock Cameras?

What Can Be Done about Flock Cameras?

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Map of 10,000+ Flock cameras in Georgia.

Over the last few months, social media has exploded with conservatives becoming alarmed about the government’s use of Flock cameras. Flock cameras are a type of Automated License Plate Reader — a camera placed on public property that runs non-stop surveillance, collecting data on the location of vehicles at specific times. This data collected on innocent citizens, is purportedly used to aid law enforcement if and when needed. However, Flock cameras raise serious concerns about constitutional privacy rights since these license plate reader systems continuously record your movements without a warrant, without probable cause, or even reasonable suspicion

The 4th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution says:
“The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.”

The question is, does constant recording of American citizens in public places meet the definition of “unreasonable search”?

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Alex Johnson

“Politicians are doing their best to put out a bunch of meaningless rhetoric about how they will do ‘something’ to ‘regulate’ surveillance cameras,” said GRA Chairman Alex Johnson, “without actually committing to doing anything.” 

According to Deflock.org, there are upwards of 10,000 Flock cameras currently being used in Georgia. For people who know history and understand the constant threat of totalitarianism that has plagued mankind since the first egotistical monarch, Pharaoh, or sultan ever said “off with his head,” Flock cameras are terrifying. Communist dictators of the last century were eager to collect data on law abiding citizens and would have jumped with glee if they had been enabled by Flock technology and AI.

This week Nathaniel Darnell, Field Coordinator for The John Birch Society, and the GRA President, was interviewed on the Tennessee Informer podcast about The John Birch Society’s position on the constitutional right to privacy and the growing concern with Flock cameras. “It’s like 1984!” said Darnell.

Click to watch the interview with Nathaniel Darnell on the Tennessee Informer.

He pointed to the numerous instances of abuse by law enforcement. For example, Reason.com reported 20 Georgia officials have been arrested for misuse of Flock cameras.

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Many have accessed the data to stalk women. But that’s not all. What about when the technology gets it wrong? There has also been a fair number of false positives that have led to innocent people being wrongfully arrested at gun point, all because a Flock camera misread a license plate.

“In Aurora, Colorado in 2020, a mother and her family, including her 6-year-old daughter, were pulled over at gunpoint and forced to lie face down on hot pavement due to an ALPR error. Police mistakenly flagged their Colorado license plate as matching a completely different vehicle,” reported Deflock.org.

“The incident, captured on video and widely condemned, led to a $1.9 million settlement from the city in 2024.” See CBS News report.

Additional concerns arise when we consider whether local law enforcement offices are automatically sharing their surveillance data with national, three-letter agencies at the federal level. How many government employees have access to it? Wouldn’t more people having access to the data increase the risk for abuse and harassment.

Justifying the Unjustifiable

Some would argue that the concerns with Flock cameras are all justifiable if the use of Flock cameras helped to solve even one crime. It is a reiteration of the old “the end justifies the means” rationale.

But the 4th Amendment exists for a reason.

One of the benefits of 4th Amendment privacy rights is that it slows down justice to ensure innocent people are not harmed during the pursuit of criminals. Innocent law-abiding people should never have to endure the trauma of a guns drawn raid, or feel violated by the search of their home, car or personal effects without a warrant and sufficient reason to suspect them.

The Founding Fathers had a Christian worldview and held that all men — including government officials and law enforcement — are depraved and sinful. They possessed a keen distrust of human civil government and that distrust is why we have the Bill of Rights.

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They did not hold to a “catch crime at all costs” view. Rather, they severely limited the power of the state in order to ensure innocent law-abiding individuals are not unnecessarily violated or taken advantage of by the pursuit of justice.

They were gravely concerned about misuse of authority and took precautions to protect against those abuses. If a cop were to follow you around and track all your daily habits, without a warrant, that would be highly inappropriate, and probably considered harassment. Law enforcement should not be allowed to commit crimes themselves under pretense of catching criminals.

The Good News

Flock cameras are not permanent and unalterable. Many cities and counties have cancelled their contracts with Flock, or deactivated their cameras. People are speaking out. In one of the more entertaining examples, a San Diego man dressed as Darth Vader spoke satirically in favor of Flock Cameras and how they benefit “the Empire”.

It is encouraging to see the massive public opposition to this government surveillance network. The fact that the decision to use or not use automated license plate readers rests in the hands of your local government (not Congress or D.C. bureaucrats) makes it far more likely that patriot activists can make a difference and reverse this trend.

How You Can Help

If you are concerned about Flock camera surveillance and potential harassment please talk to your local Sheriff and local government and share with us and your fellow advocates what you have learned.

Protecting Students: Metal Detectors or Mental Health Bureaucracy?

Protecting Students: Metal Detectors or Mental Health Bureaucracy?

Among the bills in the Georgia legislature that failed to pass this year was HB 1023, a bill that would have required government schools to install metal detectors to prevent future school shootings.

At Apalachee High School, the scene of that tragic 2024 school shooting that claimed the lives of four people, they did not have a metal detector and so a student was able to smuggle a rifle into the school. In the aftermath of this tragedy, you would think that public officials would have been demanding that all government schools install metal detectors. But the response from Republican legislators was not the common sense solution many of us would expect.

Oddly, Republican Speaker of the House Jon Burns did not focus on metal detectors which might have prevented the shooting.  Instead, Republican Speaker of the House Jon Burns offered up HB 268 (FY 2025) as his signature piece of Republican legislation. This bill was highly problematic yet passed the Georgia legislature and was signed by Governor Kemp in April 2025.

The purpose of HB 268 seemed to be: Make every school official, teacher and child into an expert in assessing the potential threat posed by the psychological status of children attending their school.

What HB 268 actually does:

HB 268 Created a Massive Bureaucracy

The legislation proposed by Burns did little for school safety and added to an incredibly bloated bureaucracy. It involves to some degree 28 agencies, departments or positions. It creates a number of new positions such as “Qualified Mental Health Coordinator” for every school system, a state-wide network of regional educational service agencies (RESA), a bunch of RESA Student Affairs officers, and an Office of Safe Schools — and more.  

The GAGOP Platform states:     
“We believe that revenues collected at all levels of government should be used only for well-defined, legitimate government functions and should be carried out efficiently so that tax rates may be kept as low as possible.”

Is the Speaker trying to build a “deep state” bureaucracy within the state government akin to what we have in the federal government?

Not to mention that if the state is given more control over determining what is “sound mental health” in schools, that can be turned against families to enforce a woke worldview, contrary to the beliefs of the parents.

HB 268 also created a myriad of training requirements for teachers, students and others, yearly audits, and all sorts of reports. Would all these new government employees engaged in additional reporting have prevented a tragic attack on our children?

Why would our Republican legislators think hiring a “Mental Health Coordinator” is going to make a gun-free zone more safe for children? When President Trump visits Georgia, we recognize that he deserves armed security. Don’t our children deserve that protection too?

HB 268 Created a hostile environment for all students with an “anonymous reporting system.”

This system was to be developed and operated by the Board of Education – or more likely contracted out.  This system is to operate 24X7, have mobile telephone support, a multi-lingual crisis center, provide notice to school based teams and advertise the availability of this system to the public. 

And, of course, no bureaucratic system is complete without a database. HB 268 created a state-wide database tracking students with information from 12 agencies and every school system.  Governor Kemp has already designated $3M in start up funds for this database.

HB 268 Placed an Impossible Burden on Teachers

Between a myriad of training requirements for teachers, students and others, yearly audits, and all sorts of reports the premise of the bill seems to be that teachers can prevent school shootings by doing what few, if any, professional psychiatrists could do – find the perp before he/she perpetrates anything.  

Teachers, the people who know their students the best, are being given procedures, policies, and training from bureaucrats who do not know their schools or their students.  It’s a top down system.

Perhaps the most infuriating assumption of the bill is that the bureaucrat knows best.

School shootings are rare but unimaginably tragic. Everyone wants to see them prevented. Children are precious and we all have a stake in keeping them safe.

The question is: Will school children finally be safe under this new complicated top-down bureaucracy? At a time when Americans have seen that bureaucracies tend toward bloat, waste of tax dollars, ineffectiveness, and corruption, why would Georgia Republican legislators create another one?

Would these different agencies, new government school employees, and a state-wide database have prevented the tragic Apalachee shooting?

Or would children be safer with metal detectors?

House Bill 268 is another example of the disconnect that exists between the legislators in Atlanta and the Republican voters, who are passionate about the principles of the Republican Party.

We encourage you to talk to your legislators about HB 1023 the metal detector bill, and other solutions to protect children while repealing the big government beaurocracy that serves no one but the deep state.

Not all Republicans vote Republican values. Make sure you know your representative’s voting scorecard.

After Judge Declares GRA Innocent, Ethics Commission Continues Harassment

After Judge Declares GRA Innocent, Ethics Commission Continues Harassment

Atlanta, GA — The State Ethics Commission held a special meeting Monday at the Coverdell Legislative Office Building to respond to Judge Dominic Capraro‘s July 14th ruling, which held that neither the GRA, Inc. nor the GRA-PAC did anything that violated statutory law for campaign contribution disclosures.

“The statutory definition excludes political action committees from the definition of independent committee,” wrote Judge Capraro. “Accordingly, as GRA PAC and GRA, Inc.—whether they are considered joint or separate entities—do not meet the definition of an independent committee, they cannot be considered to be in violation of Georgia Code Section 21-5-34(f), and no sanction is authorized.”

Judge Capraro had been appointed by the State Ethics Commission, and they had assigned to him their complaint against the GRA, Inc. and the GRA-PAC last December. Yet they refused to accept his decision. The members of the committee expressed their consternation with the outcome of the judge’s decision, even though they were not ready to decide on an exact contrary course of action or on a full explanation for such disagreement. Instead, they ultimately decided by unanimous vote to merely disagree with the judge before the 30-day window closed where the judge’s decision would, by default, stand and be final. They also said that they would hold another hearing on the case at their next regularly scheduled meeting in Helen, GA on September 9th before they decided what different course to take from what the judge had held.

The Ethics Commission expressed their desire that PACs be required to disclose the same kind of detail that an independent committee is required to disclose. But Judge Capraro had observed that the statute expressly “excludes political action committees from the definition of independent committee.”

So the Ethics Commission made the unjust decision to judge the GRA by what they think the law ought to say rather than by what it actually says. The text of the statute is clear. The commission may genuinely want PACs to report their expenditures with the greater transparency requirements of an independent committee, but that is not what the law currently requires, so the commission’s contention is really with the text of the Georgia code, which can only be changed by the Georgia legislature.

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Timothy Baywal & Catherine Bernard speaking at the hearing before Judge Capraro.

Since the story broke of this complaint, the innuendo in newspapers has been that somehow the GRA-PAC was funneling “dark money” from the Frost family’s business First Liberty, and its alleged Ponzi scheme, to their PAC and/or to the GRA, Inc. However, the attorney for the Ethics Commission Timothy Baywal testified under oath before Judge Capraro that “It was never my position that they were trying to pump dark money into elections.”

Even so, the members of the State Ethics Commission last Monday expressed their concern that, if they agreed with Judge Capraro’s interpretation of the applicable statute, it would make it easier for PACs to potentially funnel ill-gotten funds (“dark money”) through the campaign contribution system. “[The state legislature] does not want dark money in the state of Georgia,” said one of the commissioners, “and it’s exactly what will happen if Judge Capraro’s decision is not reviewed by the commission.”

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The AJC displayed this image of attorney Catherine Bernard conferring with Alex Johnson in a recent article on this story.

Attorney Catherine Bernard acknowledged their concerns, but said at the Monday hearing that the commission should raise that concern to the state legislature so that they could repair the statutory language. “Mr. Baywal was very clear, this is not a question of dark money or abuses of the system in any way. …

“And I do think that the possibility of the kind of abuse that you describe would be an excellent reason for the legislature to tighten up this particular restriction,” Bernard continued, “and perhaps even designate a hybrid entity that individuals or groups that are participating in both forms of this political speech and association could then participate in. Because again, we’re talking about dark money and important public policy considerations. But using the power of the Georgia government against volunteers who are speaking and associating within the political realm is a pretty dire fate as well.”

However, the commission failed to heed Bernard’s counsel. Seeming to argue that “the end justifies the means,” the commission chose to reject the judge’s reading of the statute so that they, as a non-elected bureaucracy, could effectively legislate by fiat to make the statute say what they wished it said.

There are several possibilities on where the Ethics Commission could go from here. For example, the commission could choose to continue to pursue the complaint against only the GRA-PAC, which was run by the Frost family independently of the GRA, Inc. This would be consistent with the arguments attorney Catherine Bernard has made in her defense of the membership organization, the GRA, Inc., since the GRA, Inc. had nothing to do with the Frost family’s administration of the GRA-PAC. Indeed, the GRA, Inc. and the PAC had separate articles of incorporation, separate government, and separate bank accounts the entire time the PAC was in operation. The PAC never gave money to the GRA, Inc.

Timothy Baywal acknowledged at the hearing that, in all his investigation of GRA records, he saw no evidence of GRA Inc. officers directing the GRA-PAC — no motions, no meeting minutes, no financial reporting, or financial decisions being made on the part of GRA Inc. for the direction of GRA-PAC funds.

Now if the State Ethics Commission decides in September to continue to pursue the complaint against the GRA, Inc., then the controversy can be appealed to a Superior Court Judge. “We will appeal,” said attorney Catherine Bernard. “They cannot simply ignore the statutory language.”

Understandably, many who saw the headlines about the commission overriding the decision of a judge asked, “How can an agency override a judge?” It’s a reasonable question.

The system for reviewing these kinds of charges is confusing. It involves administrative judges operating under bureaucratic Executive Branch agencies in state government, and undermines many aspects of the constitutional “due process” that has been a part of our American legal tradition for centuries. Whereas, constitutionally, it is the judicial branch that is supposed to be responsible for reviewing civil and criminal actions, the State Ethics Commission is an Executive Branch agency composed of three members appointed by the Governor and of two appointed by portions of the Legislative Branch. That violates separation of powers. It is effectively stealing subject matter jurisdiction away from the judicial branch. By removing cases from the judicial branch, they effectively circumvent the due process requirements such as “trial by jury” and “innocent until proven guilty.” Moreover, it adds additional unnecessary steps to the process and expensive legal costs for a defendant. It turns review of such complaints into a war of attrition. Those additional costs appear designed to force defendants to settle and accept false blame in order to avoid the expense of a prolonged legal battle.

As far-Left newspaper The AJC reported on the story: “In 2022, the commission overruled an administrative judge’s findings in the long-running case against former Insurance Commissioner John Oxendine. Oxendine later settled the case.”

The GRA-PAC has been terminated, and the membership organization is clearly not a PAC nor an independent committee, as Judge Capraro wisely confirmed, so the commission can have no genuine concern of ongoing harm in this case. The fact that they are relentlessly pursuing this complaint in spite of Judge Capraro’s decision reveals their true target: the GRA membership who are a thorn in the side of Atlanta politicians.

“The Commission continues to wage its campaign of lawfare against us in a clear attempt to intimidate us into silence,” said 1st Vice President Nick Cooper. “We weren’t joking when we said that we won’t back down and capitulate to the RINO Establishment. We will continue to stand up for our principles even in the face of these intimidation tactics.”

Click here to watch the full video of the August 3rd Special Meeting of the State Ethics Commission.
GRA Releases 2026 Legislative Scorecards — Which Include Special Session Votes

GRA Releases 2026 Legislative Scorecards — Which Include Special Session Votes

The GRA is delighted to announce the completion of our 2026 Legislator Scorecards.

Our scorecards are unique in that they incorporate both the regular session and the special legislative session held this summer. Under the direction of the GRA’s 1st Vice President Dr. Nick Cooper, our volunteer committee worked diligently on the compilation of 60 bills — more than most other advocacy organizations. They consulted with numerous single-issue partner organizations who shared their technical expertise on the issues. The committee was careful to ensure the scores accurately judged legislators’ actions by the standard of our principles and the Republican Party platform.

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Dr. Nick Cooper

“I would like to thank the members of the Scorecard Committee and our subject matter experts for their hard work over these many months to put this scorecard together,” said Dr. Nick Cooper. “We made sure to select consequential bills and to develop a scoring methodology and process that is fair and transparent. It is a valuable tool for voters to hold their representatives accountable to their principles.”

Legislators received 1 point for voting in favor of a good bill and 1 point for voting “No” against a bad bill. No votes were weighted.

Among the votes that stood out was the Georgia budget. Every legislator who voted “yes” to the bloated, corrupt, unjust budget did not receive a point because that bill was full of corporate welfare which cost Georgia families about $7,317 per household.

The budget also expanded Medicaid and increased our state debt — flagrant violations of the principles of the Republican Party and fiscal conservatism. This year, there were only two Republican legislators who had the courage to vote “No” to this egregious budget: Rep. Charlice Byrd (R-Cherokee) and Rep. Noelle Kahaian (R-Henry).

During the special legislative session, the legislators passed SB3EX, a bill to prolong the use of unverifiable QR codes on ballots. This was a betrayal of the principle of election integrity, since QR Codes are used to tabulate election results instead of the candidates’ names printed on the ballot. QR codes are not readable to the voter’s natural eye and thus could be manipulated to alter the voter’s intent without being noticed by the voter. The legislators that voted “no” to this bill received a positive point which contributed to their overall score. Rep. Mitchell Horner (R-Catoosa) was one of the few Republicans who joined with Representatives Byrd and Kahaian to vote against this bad bill.

Among the good bills that were passed from the chambers this year was a bill to rein in Medicaid fraud, a bill to cut taxes on tips and overtime, and one that would ban school mask mandates.

However, there were more good, common sense, urgent bills that languished and got ignored by the “Republican leadership” who prioritized the passage of bad bills instead. Among the good bills was a bill to provide equal protection for all pre-born children, a bill to prohibit the dissemination of pornography and sexually explicit content to minor children in libraries, the “Anti-corruption Act” that would have prohibited government entities from using our tax dollars to lobby other government entities for the benefit of the former government entity, a bill requiring metal detectors in government schools, numerous health freedom bills, election integrity bills, and more!

Some of these good bills have been ignored every year for 5+ years! This is a chronic problem. There is a massive disconnect between what Republican officials say they believe and what they actually do when they are in office. This is why the GRA exists.

This problem points to our mission and the need for GRA members across the state who help make low-information voters aware of the problems at the Georgia Capitol, enlist the help of the voters, training them on how they can make a difference through advocacy, elections, and involvement in the Republican Party.

THE BEST & THE WORST

Once again, members of the Georgia Freedom Caucus earned the highest scores in the legislature. With Senator Colton Moore no longer in office, Reps. Byrd & Kahaian were the only legislators who earned an “A” rating of over 90 percent for their votes. State Senator Greg Dolezal (R-Forsyth) was the best rated member of the Senate with a “B” rating this year. Dolezal has a 80% lifetime legislative score, and faces Democrat nominee for Lt. Governor Josh McLaurin (D-Fulton) in the general election. As a State Senator, McLaurin earned an 8% rating this year — the second lowest of any voting legislator!

The biggest RINOs this year were State Reps. Dale Washburn (R-Bibb) & Bill Hitchens (R-Effingham), who both tied with two Democrats in the State House! They both received a 30% score meaning they voted against the Republican platform 70% of the time!

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Last year, after we announced the “biggest RINO” for 2025, that legislator resigned from office a few months thereafter. It is our desire to see poor-performing “Republicans” either improve their scores as their constituents encourage them to perform better, or else be replaced by a Republican in the primary who will actually read legislation before voting on it, and evaluate it by the principles of the Republican Party. Every. Single. Time.

It is our hope that these scorecards will be a resource for you in that mission. If you are not yet a member, consider joining us today.

GRA Derangement Syndrome, Part II: “Team Ossoff” and the Unity Fraud

GRA Derangement Syndrome, Part II: “Team Ossoff” and the Unity Fraud

Republicans are allowed to disagree during primaries.¹

They should.

A primary is when Republican voters examine records, compare candidates, challenge weaknesses, debate principles, and select the people they believe should carry the Republican banner into the general election.

But a party cannot function if “unity” means only that grassroots conservatives must support establishment nominees while establishment figures remain free to undermine grassroots nominees.

The 2026 election presents three useful tests:

Mike Collins, whom the GRA endorsed for U.S. Senate.

Greg Dolezal, whom the GRA endorsed for lieutenant governor.

Rick Jackson, whom the GRA did not endorse for governor, but nevertheless wants people to vote for in November, because he’s a Republican.

Together, the three races expose whether unity is truly a principle, or merely a weapon used against one faction of the Republican Party.

THE GRA ENDORSED MIKE COLLINS

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Republican nominee for U.S. Senate: Mike Collins

The Georgia Republican Assembly (GRA) endorsed Mike Collins during the Republican primary process.

When Republican voters selected Collins as the nominee, the GRA supported him against Democrat Jon Ossoff. The organization lists Collins among its 2026 endorsed candidates and celebrated his runoff victory.

That is what Republican unity looks like:

Fight during the primary.

Accept the voters’ decision.

Support the Republican nominee.

Defeat the Democrat.

Some of the GRA’s loudest critics chose a different path.

SHELLEY WYNTER CHOOSES “TEAM OSSOFF”

Radio host Shelley Wynter did not merely decline to endorse Mike Collins.

He endorsed Jon Ossoff.

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Ossoff’s campaign published the announcement under the headline “Conservative 95.5 WSB Radio Host Shelley Wynter: ‘I Am Team Ossoff.’”

Wynter told Ossoff that he was “Team Ossoff” and promised to use his program to help the Democratic senator win reelection. The Ossoff campaign presented the endorsement as evidence of a Republican defection and a blow to Collins’s effort to unite Republican voters.

The endorsement also received national coverage from USA Today and was amplified by the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee.

Democrats understood its value immediately.

They did not treat it as a meaningless personal preference.

They treated it as campaign material.

WYNTER ATTACKS THE GRA

After the GRA criticized Wynter’s endorsement, Wynter used Facebook to attack the organization:

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Read Wynter’s first Facebook response.

Read Wynter’s second Facebook response.

Read the GRA article that prompted the dispute.

The GRA’s criticism was not that anyone possessed a particular genetic trait or immutable characteristic.

The criticism concerned Wynter’s judgment.

The article referenced an earlier incident in which Wynter reportedly praised what a Republican leadership slate “looked like,” rather than emphasizing its members’ accomplishments, qualifications, records, service, or adherence to Republican principles.

Wynter and some of his defenders transformed criticism of identity-based evaluation into criticism of the identities themselves.

Those are not the same thing.

Saying that leaders should be judged by ability and principles rather than genetic traits is not an attack on anyone’s traits.

It is a defense of equal treatment and merit.

ESTABLISHMENT MEDIA PRETENDS NOT TO UNDERSTAND

Wynter was not alone in acting as though the consequences of his endorsement were somehow mysterious. …

Read more on Alex’s Substack here.

GRA Derangement Syndrome, Part I: They Said Goodbye. The GRA Kept Growing.

GRA Derangement Syndrome, Part I: They Said Goodbye. The GRA Kept Growing.

This is Part One of a three-part series examining the attacks against the Georgia Republican Assembly, the collapse of establishment “unity,” and which organizations are actually working to elect Republicans and enact Republican principles.

For years, critics have accused the Georgia Republican Assembly (GRA) of creating division within the Republican Party.

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The facts increasingly demonstrate the opposite.

The Georgia Republican Assembly consists of Republicans organizing other Republicans. Its members identify and endorse principled candidates in Republican primaries, encourage conservatives to participate in county and state Republican Party organizations, help elect principled Republicans to party office, and support Republican nominees in general elections.

Readers unfamiliar with the organization can begin with the GRA’s Principles and Goals, the video “The GRA on a Mission”, the official history “12 Years of Progress”, and my earlier article “Who’s Afraid of the GRA?”. The GRA grew from a small state chapter organized in 2013 into an organization with more than 1,000 members.

The GRA’s philosophy is straightforward:

Make sure only people who will enact the Republican platform are on the Republican primary ballot.

Fight hard in the primary.

Build the Republican Party from the precinct level up.

Hold Republican politicians accountable to Republican principles.

Support Republican nominees in November.

That is not division.

That is party building.

What Is GRA Derangement Syndrome?

GRA Derangement Syndrome is the condition in which opposition to the Georgia Republican Assembly becomes more important than defeating Democrats, electing Republicans, respecting grassroots members, or advancing the Republican Platform.

It causes people who constantly preach “unity” to encourage Republicans to abandon a Republican organization.

It causes people who claim to support grassroots participation to attack an organization controlled through votes of its members.

It causes people who complain that the GRA is divisive to organize campaigns intended to weaken it.

And, as Part Two will demonstrate, it eventually causes some of those same people to refuse to support, or even actively campaign against, Republican nominees.

The 2025 “Goodbye GRA” campaign was perhaps the clearest early outbreak. …

To read more, check out Alex’s substack by clicking here.